HOW OFTEN DOES YOUR GOVERNMENT LIE TO YOU?
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HOW OFTEN DOES YOUR GOVERNMENT LIE TO YOU?
I’m ashamed to admit it but I voted
Conservative at the last general election.
Fortunately most of my neighbours voted Labour so my vote didn’t
matter. But I’m still embarrassed to
have done so. Why? Because I am becoming increasingly tired of
the Conservative government lying to me all the time. That may be a bit of an exaggeration as I do
not have the breadth of knowledge to gauge that in non-tax matters. But I do know that they do so when it comes
to tax. Lying may be a bit strong
too. It may be that the government
believe that once Margaret Thatcher abolished most of the grammar schools in
the early 1970s, the standards of State education have plummeted to such an
extent that the citizenry cannot cope with the truth. But I was a grammar school kid. The State educated me fairly well, so I don’t
need protecting from facts.
This article has been prompted by an
HMRC Technical note on what they call “disguised remuneration avoidance schemes. Let me make clear immediately that I have no
problem with HMRC tackling tax avoidance schemes. I am delighted when they do so – albeit that
my understanding of what is a tax avoidance scheme seems somewhat different to
HMRC’s. HMRC tell me that “the
government’s view is that these schemes don’t work”. The government is of course entitled to its
view. It is also entitled to bring in
legislation to reinforce its view. But
what the document is largely talking about is Employment Benefit Trusts
(EBTs). Whilst I do not wholly discount
the possibility of the Cabinet agenda having included a discussion on whether
or not EBTs “work”, I am a bit horrified if that is what happened, as there are
enough strategic issues for the government to worry about without the collective
Ministerial talent being diverted to considering the efficacy of historic tax
arrangements. Of course I fully accept
that David Gauke, who has ministerial responsibility for HMRC, may have himself
immersed himself in the tax legislation and the detailed documentation of
thousands of EBTs and formed his own conclusion that EBTs do not work. But even if he did so, his considered opinion
is just that; it is his view, not that of the government. As a solicitor, he is capable of doing so,
although whether such industry is a sensible use of his ministerial time and
the high salary us taxpayers pay for his services is another question. But I think it is more likely to be HMRC’s
view than the government’s. I would also
make the point that, as far as I am aware, although HMRC have won a number of
cases before the Courts and Tribunals, none of these have been on the basis
that EBTs do not work, but rather than in those particular cases what actually
happened did not reflect what the parties had intended. Accordingly HMRC’s view – or the government’s
view if that is in fact the case – is not universally shared.
But it is not simply that view that
concerns me. The document goes on to
say, “the package of changes announced by the Chancellor at Budget 2016 will
ensure that those who have used or continue to use a disguised remuneration tax
avoidance scheme will pay tax and NIC on that remuneration as Parliament
intended”. An immediate difficulty here
is that not just me, but everyone else to, does not have a clue what Parliament
intended. I studied British Constitution
subsequent to leaving my grammar school, so the State education system is not
to blame if my recollection that the UK’s unwritten constitution creates a
balance by splitting power between the legislature (Parliament), the
administration (the government) and the courts (which have oversight over the
government) is incorrect. The effect of
that balance is that no-one knows what Parliament intends when it passes
legislation as it rarely discusses it in depth and, even where it does, only a
tiny fraction of the 650 MPs are able to express their views. In their oversight role the courts have
solved this dilemma but assuming that the legislation that Parliament enacts
reflects its intention, and so discerning that intention from a consideration
of the legislation.
Parliament in fact enacted legislation
against disguised remuneration (which includes some payments by EBTs) in 2011,
but only in relation to transactions undertaken after 8 December 2010. That suggests that Parliament has no view on
disguised remuneration before that date.
Yet the Budget announcements are mainly directed at pre 8 December 2010
EBTs, so it is wrong to pretend that those changes are in any way aimed at what
Parliament intended.
Indeed over the years, Parliament has
positively encouraged EBTs. An EBT is not
some sinister tax avoidance tool. The
letters stand for Employee Benefit Trust.
That is precisely what it is; a trust created to benefit the employees
of a company. Share Incentive Plans
which Parliament introduced in 2000 require the use of EBTs. You are exempt from CGT if you transfer
shares in your family trading company to an EBT. There are IHT exemptions for EBTs. So how can Parliament have regarded an EBT as
an avoidance device prior to 2011?
What HMRC don’t like is actually not
EBTs as such. It is EBTs lending money
to employees. But again it is unclear
why pre-2011, Parliament should have regarded a loan by an EBT as wicked, but a
loan by the employer as acceptable. If a
company lends money to an employee, Parliament has not decided that the loan
should be subject to tax in the employee’s hands unless and until it is waived
or otherwise cancelled. Parliament
certainly decided that if the loan exceeded £5,000, the employee should pay tax
on the difference between a market rate of interest and the interest, if any,
charged on the loan. Why should it have
thought that routing the loan through trustees should attract any different tax
treatment? Nevertheless it is
indisputable that Parliament did indeed adopt such an odd view in relation to
transactions after 8 December 2010.
The reason that Parliament was asked to
enact this weird legislation in 2011 is because at the time a large number of
EBTs were being set up specifically to lend money to employees. But the impetus for the loan being made via
an EBT rather than direct was because it was hoped that the contribution of the
capital to the EBT would attract a tax deduction. The courts have subsequently held that
assumption to be misconceived, so that hoped-for advantage never really
existed. But that surely does not
justify a different tax treatment for the employee. So perhaps HMRC and/or the government
actually feel that because Parliament chose to act irrationally in 2011, it
would have been equally irrational in 2004 or whenever a company set up its
EBT. Of course since 2010, Parliament
has had a Conservative majority, so a Conservative government is probably
better able than me to judge whether Parliament would have acted irrationally from
that time, but I question its ability to gauge the rationality of earlier
Parliaments led by other adminstrations.
I am not myself a fan of loans to
employees. I thought that in a lot of
marketed EBT schemes the loan was so artificial that it was probably a sham, so
did not introduce clients to such schemes.
But in Advocate-General re Murray Group Holdings Ltd, the Inner House of
the Court of Session (the Scottish equivalent of the Court of Appeal) said that
the trust in that case was not a sham.
Indeed, so did both the First-tier and Upper Tribunals. So even if HMRC are right in thinking that by
the time that Murray Group set up its EBT in 2001, Parliament had formed an
intention that loans via an EBT should be taxed differently from loans direct
from the employer, Parliament would in fact have been proved to be mistaken in
its belief that loans from EBTs did not “work”.
For clarity, I should mention that HMRC actually won in Murray Group,
but only on their alternative claim that, on the facts of that case, the money
was already remuneration before it was paid to the EBT.
So, if I am not a fan of EBT loan
arrangements, and some, at least, of them, like that in Murray Group, do not
avoid tax at all, why should I care if HMRC and/or the government lie to me and
the rest of the citizenry in order to seek to persuade us that the Chancellor
is right to attack such arrangements entered into pre 2011? Well, apart from the fact that I don’t like
being lied to full stop, it is because the lies are to hide the fact that the
Chancellor intends to introduce retrospective legislation to tax now (or rather
in 2019) the loans that were made by EBTs before 2011. Parliament is normally violently opposed to
retrospective legislation. It
accordingly seems that by pretending that Parliament was opposed to such loans
pre 2011, the Chancellor thinks that they will not realise how clearly
retrospective his proposed legislation is.
What the Chancellor is really saying is that if a person received a loan
from an EBT before 8 December 2010, he should either voluntarily pay tax on the
capital amount, even though it is probably not taxable at all under current
laws, or he should repay the loan before 5 April 2019, and if he chooses to
ignore both of these options and insist on exercising his legal rights under
the loan agreement, then Parliament will introduce a new law to tax him in 2019
on money he received in a non-taxable form in 2001 or 2009, or even 1979. That is retrospection with a vengeance!
ROBERT
MAAS