JEREMY HUNT'S VISION FOR LONG-TERM PROSPERITY
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JEREMY HUNT’S VISION
FOR LONG-TERM PROSPERITY
I think that Kwasi Kwarteng (and Liz Truss) got the
diagnosis right in the Autumn Statement, albeit that they got the prescription
for the cure horribly wrong. His growth
plan had three priorities:
a)
Reforming the
supply-side of the economy
b)
Maintaining a responsible
approach to public finances
c)
Cutting taxes to
boost growth.
Unfortunately, growth requires all three and his
proposed tax cuts without first addressing (a) and (b) (indeed calling into
question his commitment to (b)) spooked the markets. But we still need growth, and the three
priorities are still necessary to achieve growth. His plans to address the supply side (albeit
not revealed) we were told would cover the planning system, business
regulation, childcare, immigration, agricultural productivity and digital
infrastructure.
Many would agree that these problems need to be
addressed. We need a planning system
that does not delay major infrastructure projects for decades; we need one that
builds houses for employees where the jobs are – which even with the levelling
up agenda is mainly in London and the South East; we need to eliminate
unnecessary regulation and streamline the rest; we need to reduce regulation on
childcare to free women who want to work to do so; we need an immigration
system that enables foreign workers to bring their skills to this country but
not to add to the vast pool of home grown unskilled labour fighting for fewer
and fewer unskilled jobs.
Jeremy Hunt addresses none of these. Indeed, he tells us that “Our Chief
Scientific Advisor, Sir Patrick Vallance, is currently reviewing how the UK can
better regulate emerging technologies in high-growth sectors”. I can tell him the answer. Regulation is a prescription for strangling
high-growth sectors at birth. Mr Hunt
acknowledges that “we will not build the next Silicon Valley unless we nurture
battalions of dynamic new challenger businesses”. But Silicon Valley was not built on the back
of regulation; it developed in a regulation-free environment, so starting with
“how can we best regulate new innovative businesses” dooms his dream to
failure.
While emphasising the UK’s reputation for innovation
he adds, “and as you [Meta, etc]look for funding to expand, we offer one of the
world’s top two financial hubs and are the world’s largest net exporter of financial
services”. That would be good if they were
amenable to nurturing start-ups but we all know that is not the case. A lot of our start-ups are sold to US
companies at a fairly early stage because those companies understand that
nurturing start-ups is a balance of risk and reward, whereas, as the Chancellor
acknowledges “we need a more positive attitude to risk-taking”. He acknowledges that but has no suggestions
for achieving it. And is Mr Hunt’s own
prescription in his mini budget of cutting R & D relief for small
innovative new businesses really the way to encourage innovation?
The Chancellor also tells us that education “is an
area where we have made dramatic progress in recent years” but then admits, “We
have around 9 million adults with low basic literacy or numeracy skills, over
100,000 people leaving school every year unable to reach the required standard
in English and maths”. I shudder to
think where we would be without that “dramatic progress”. There are around 49.5 million people between
15 and 64 years old in the UK, so 9 million is around 20% of the working
population.
The Chancellor’s growth plan embraces Enterprise,
Education, Employment, and Everywhere.
Sadly, he ran out of time to explain what “Everywhere” envisages. But it probably does not matter because
everyone knows that a fundamental of growth is addressing Kwasi Kwarteng’s
supply side issues, and we all know that this is not going to happen because
doing so requires tough decisions which the heavily divided Conservative
parliamentary party will veto.
I don’t know what “the lenders from Meta, Microsoft,
Amazon, Apple and Google”, all of whom Mr Hunt tells us were in his audience,
made of the speech. I would be amazed if
you were even a tiny bit impressed.
ROBERT MAAS
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